Π. Α. @PSIVST

@BrianMcDonaldIE Once they were gone, the country remained "sterilised"/ lost competitiveness in almost every domain for the rest of the century, and is still trying to recover while at the same time waging an existential war.

@BrianMcDonaldIE It was this stratum, not the Bolshevik nomenklatura, that was Russia's organic modernizing class — and it's precisely the class the Bolsheviks physically liquidated or drove into emigration.

Everything we've been told about the so-called Skripal poisoning in Salisbury is a lie. Read this post by @Tracking_Power. The full article by @timtron2020 is also attached below.

David Miller @Tracking_Power

4 days ago

Did UK intelligence stage the Salisbury Novichok attack? Excellent new article by Tim Norman (@timtron2020) - excerpts follow: The final report delivered to the public inquiry into the death of Dawn Sturgess, a British woman who died four months after the Russian state

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@djordjenspm Значи, то вам је последња нада? Ништа "програм"? Ништа "нова лица"? Шта је следеће ако се и то изјалови, пуч?

Ces hydroavions amphibies russes sont extrêmement performants pour lutter contre les incendies de forêt. Ils peuvent charger 12000 litres d’eau en 14 secondes en rasant la surface de l’eau et sont parmi les plus rapides et les plus efficaces au monde dans leur catégorie (seul avion amphibie à réaction). Ils ont déjà été utilisés avec succès en Italie, en Grèce, au Portugal. Avec les sanctions contre la Russie, impossible de louer leurs services. L’Europe est devenue folle.

Guillermo Rocafort @GuillermoRocaf1

6 days ago

La #UE prohíbe que estos inmejorables hidroaviones rusos BE-200 apaguen Incendios como los que asolan ESPAÑA. ¿Y por qué? ¿Porque son rusos? Exacto. Nosotros mismos somos víctimas de la rusofobia de la UE 🎯

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Europa está infestada de "Rusofobia suicida". Les da igual que los pueblos se hundan con tal de seguir en su deriva de mentiras y engaños. Europa se aboca al desastre total....no hay salvación con estos políticos...

Espagne : des hélicoptères anti-incendie russes cloués au sol par les sanctions européennes Depuis 2024, l’Espagne combat les feux de forêt sans ses hélicoptères Kamov Ka-32. Ces appareils russes, capables de larguer plus de 5 000 litres d’eau avec une grande précision et maniabilité, figuraient parmi les plus efficaces de son dispositif aérien. Les sanctions de l’Union européenne empêchent l’approvisionnement en pièces de rechange et l’intervention des techniciens russes nécessaires à leur maintenance. Résultat : la flotte reste immobilisée. Le groupe parlementaire Sumar a demandé une dérogation pour ces engins de sécurité civile. Le gouvernement a répondu que la décision relevait de Bruxelles, sans obtenir d’exception. Cet été 2026, alors que les incendies ont déjà fait au moins 13 morts et brûlé plus de 131 000 hectares en Espagne, l’absence de ces matériels fait scandale et est perçue comme une conséquence directe du fanatisme anti-russe de l'UE.

La Razón @larazon_es

5 days ago

🚁 Las sanciones a Rusia dejan a España sin sus mejores helicópteros para combatir los incendios forestales larazon.es/tecnologia-con…

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Did UK intelligence stage the Salisbury Novichok attack? Excellent new article by Tim Norman (@timtron2020) - excerpts follow: The final report delivered to the public inquiry into the death of Dawn Sturgess, a British woman who died four months after the Russian state allegedly attempted to assassinate the former spy Sergei Skripal in 2018, did something unprecedented: it explicitly considered the possibility that UK intelligence had somehow staged the events. After spending some time considering this possibility in his report, the chair of the inquiry, retired Supreme Court judge Lord Anthony Hughes, decided that he was “sure” such staging had not occurred. But how did Hughes arrive at this certainty? ... So let us do what Hughes did not. How would a staging hypothesis fit the evidence if there was no Novichok in Salisbury on Sunday, 4 March? Let us imagine that the two Russians were not actually in Salisbury to kill Skripal. Let us imagine that they were somehow set up, and the Novichok narrative was fabricated by UK intelligence after the event. How would this explain the evidence? No Novichok would explain why Skripal’s cat, shut in the house after it allegedly became contaminated, survived. Nash van Drake exhibited no symptoms of poisoning while he was in the house even though he had “likely” been exposed to the nerve agent, according to the inquiry. The cat was eventually euthanised “for its welfare” because it was “distressed”. No Novichok would explain why there was no mass casualty event among the police officers who were reported by BBC Wiltshire going in and out of the supposedly contaminated door “with little or no protective clothing” in the days after the door was allegedly contaminated, before it was identified as the supposed source of the contamination. No Novichok would explain why pub and restaurant staff suffered no cross-contamination or ill effects after handling the glasses, plates and utensils that the Skripals had touched with hands that had supposedly been contaminated with deadly nerve agent shortly before. No Novichok would explain why the pub and restaurant could both remain open the following day without any members of the public being affected by the alleged contamination there — contamination supposedly so severe that it led to them both being shut down for a cleanup operation that lasted many months. No Novichok would explain the complete absence of cross-contamination at the bench where the Skripals collapsed. No contamination of Colonel Alison McCourt, the British Army’s chief nursing officer, or her teenage daughter Abigail. No contamination of Dr Helen Ord. No contamination of the members of the public who assisted. No contamination of the police officers who responded or the paramedics who treated the Skripals. No Novichok would explain why the local boys who joined the Skripals to feed ducks on the River Avon, taking bread from their just-contaminated hands — and even by some reports eating some of the bread — were unaffected, as were the ducks themselves. No Novichok would explain why DS Nick Bailey, who the inquiry heard had entered Skripal’s house and was exposed to poison there, experienced relatively mild symptoms — fever and hallucinations — from which he made a full physical recovery. No Novichok would explain why his colleague PC Bell, who was also exposed at the house, developed nothing more than a twitching eye, while another officer, VN005, merely experienced a numb finger. While this may be evidence of some kind of poison, it is not convincing evidence that any of them were exposed to a weapon of mass destruction. No Novichok would explain why Dr Stephen Cockroft would be so “gobsmacked” after Yulia Skripal woke up in hospital — and was strong enough to attempt to get out of bed — just four days after her supposed exposure to an incredibly deadly nerve agent. No Novichok would explain why both Skripals survived an incapacitating dose of this poison, even though they were initially diagnosed and treated for something else — an opiate overdose — in the first 24 hours of their treatment, with no special precautions taken for cross-contamination by the medics treating them. None of these medics were affected. No Novichok would explain the Skripals’ rapid recovery, which the doctors treating them said they were “exceptionally surprised” by, and could not easily explain. And no Novichok would explain why, in what might be called the proto-narrative of Novichok contamination, specialist teams in yellow hazmat suits were deployed to the London Road cemetery in a highly visible decontamination operation, only for that story to be later abandoned when it became clear the timeline of contamination was impossible. The cemetery operation reveals the pattern of staging Hughes failed to consider. Novichok was “found” wherever the narrative required it to be found — at the cemetery (until the timeline collapsed), at the bench (despite no cross-contamination), at the pub and restaurant (despite staff handling contaminated items safely), at the door handle (despite police using it unprotected for days). And when evidence of its absence was inconvenient for the narrative, this was overlooked — the ducks that were fed, the people who gave first aid, the medical staff who treated the Skripals without barrier nursing — or even, in the case of Skripal’s cat, destroyed. When Hughes writes that “all the evidence shows” Novichok was applied to the door handle on Sunday, he is presenting the absence of evidence as the presence of proof. The absence of cross-contamination actually suggests the opposite: that there was no deadly nerve agent on the door handle, which is why everyone who came into contact with it survived. Hughes returns to his arguments from incredulity in his final paragraph considering the possibility that the Salisbury events were staged. f. On top of all that, there is no suggested way in which the UK authorities, if bent on staging an attack designed to look as if these two men had carried it out, could have had the remotest inkling that their designated unwitting pawns would then obligingly walk into the immediate area of the Skripals’ home The expressions of personal disbelief Hughes makes here are the phrases “no suggested way” and “remotest inkling”. This is his final flourish. Even granting everything else, he says, how could UK authorities have known the two Russians would visit Christie Miller Road? But this simply uses the circular logic Hughes has used throughout §3.123. If the two Russians were under surveillance — which Hughes conceded was a possibility, if only in order to dismiss it — then UK authorities would know in real time what the two Russians’ movements were. The visits would not need to be anticipated. The language Hughes uses here is once again opaque — he says again “there is no suggested way” in which the UK authorities could have been tracking the Russians, even though the police later produced detailed logs of their movements. This in fact suggests the UK authorities had the technical capability to follow where their “unwitting pawns” were going — but as it was not a suggestion Hughes made himself, it was not one he considered. Once again, Hughes assumes that staging the events would involve actually putting Novichok on Skripal’s door, requiring knowledge of the movements of the Russians: movements that he says could not have been anticipated. But staging could mean constructing the entire Novichok narrative post hoc, selecting which elements to emphasise and which to ignore. We have observed Hughes taking six paragraphs to present variations of the same argument from incredulity: “I cannot imagine how UK staging could have worked, therefore it did not happen.” But arguments from incredulity are not evidence. §3.124 I conclude that I am sure that there was no staging of the Salisbury event by the UK authorities, designed to blame Russia Having spent six paragraphs constructing a staging hypothesis designed to be impossible and duly dismissing it as impossible, Hughes declares himself “sure” that no staging occurred. However, as we have seen, this certainty rests on the constraints he has imposed on the circumstances of the Salisbury events as he defined them: the assertion that the UK’s surveillance network could not have detected the Russians until the day before the alleged attack; the assertion that the UK authorities could not have anticipated their movements; the assertion that staging would require genuine Novichok applied in real time. Hughes did not actually consider whether or not the events were staged. Instead he considered whether or not UK intelligence could have somehow carried out the attack he suggests the two Russians carried out: circular logic presented as judicial certainty. Of course, if there was no Novichok in Salisbury, that would imply UK intelligence and its media operatives are capable of fabricating a story about weapons of mass destruction in order to manufacture consent for war. It is for the reader to decide if they are capable of that. Link in replies.

La parole se libère chez les pompiers et la colère monte ! (cf vidéo ⤵️) Au tour du pilote de Canadair Éric Durand de s’exprimer au 20h de France2 : « En colère », il note que tout ce sont dispose la France aujourd’hui « c’est 5 Canadairs en Gironde et 2 en Corse, et c’est tout ! » « Pareil pour les Dash : 7 sur 8 » Et rien d’autre ! « Il nous manque des moyens aériens ; ils font cruellement défaut aujourd’hui ! » ➡️ Pendant ce temps 1,4 milliard d’euros pour que Hidalgo fasse plouf dans la Seine, 17 milliards pour nourrir et la guerre et la corruption ukrainiennes, 15 milliards par an pour engraisser Von der Leyen et l’UE ! Etc.🤦🏻‍♂️ STOP À relayer svp

NVO Hidra pokušava da na čelo REMA-a postavi ženu koja ima svoju televiziju Forum TV... I to nije sukob interesa? Da ne pričam o tome da su joj Englezi plaćali obuku u svojoj obaveštajnoj ekspozituri Birn, a da joj je donator fondacija Trag, Haki Abazi ekipa. REM treba ugasiti

TV N1 Beograd @n1srbija

a week ago

Savet REM-a bez predsednika: Garić i Malešić osvojili po četiri glasa, izbor odložen n1info.rs/vesti/savet-re…

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☦️🇨🇾 Never forget the illegal invasion of #Cyprus. On July 20, 1974, over 162,000 #Greek #Cypriot #Christians were brutally driven from their ancestral homes in a campaign of ethnic cleansing. This is a historical/educational tweet. On July 20, 1974, Turkey launched a full-scale military invasion of the Republic of Cyprus — a sovereign, independent state and UN member. Code-named “Operation Attila,” it was carried out in two phases. Thousands of Greek Cypriots were killed or executed during the military advance. According to the official records of the bi-communal Committee on Missing Persons (CMP), 1,510 Greek Cypriots are among those listed as missing. Between 162,000 and 200,000 Greek Cypriots, roughly one-third of the population, were forcibly expelled from their homes in the north, becoming refugees in their own country overnight. This campaign of forced displacement stripped families of their ancestral lands, homes, and properties. 36.2% of the island was occupied. In the occupied areas, historic Byzantine churches, chapels, and monasteries — some over a thousand years old — were systematically desecrated. Many were converted into mosques, military depots, or stables, while others were looted or left to decay. Hundreds of priceless icons were stolen or smashed, frescoes were defaced, and a rich cultural heritage was deliberately targeted. The Armenian Quarter (Armenomahallas) in Nicosia’s walled city, along with the historic Notre Dame de Tyre church, was completely sealed off under Turkish military control. In the northern mountains, the famous 11th-century Sourp Magar (Saint Macarius) Armenian monastery was seized by Turkish troops, looted, and left to decay. The international community documented these violations in real-time. UN Security Council resolutions condemned the invasion, demanded the immediate withdrawal of foreign troops, and called for the safe return of all displaced persons. These resolutions remain unimplemented more than 50 years later. Furthermore, the demographic character of the north was altered by transferring tens of thousands of settlers from mainland Anatolia, a move condemned under the Fourth Geneva Convention. The ghost town of Varosha (Famagusta), once a thriving Greek Cypriot resort, remains a heavily restricted, deteriorating ruin and a painful symbol of this tragedy. In 1983, the occupied northern area was unilaterally declared the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.” This entity is recognized only by Turkey and is declared legally invalid by UN Security Council Resolutions 541 and 550. Cyprus has maintained a continuous Greek presence for over 3,000 years. Today, the division continues. Greek Cypriot families are still barred from permanently returning to their ancestral villages, and Nicosia remains the last divided capital in Europe. Eternal memory to the blessed martyrs and the missing of Cyprus. May the fallen heroes and innocent victims of 1974 rest in peace.

L'analyse d'Emmanuel Todd tient la route. L'objectif stratégique des États-Unis est une Europe faible, vassalisée et dépendante. Les dirigeants européens, tous formés et soumis aux directives de la CIA, s'emploient à servir les intérêts supérieurs des États-Unis d'Amérique. Les populations des pays européens l'ont très bien compris.

@Bodljikava Знате шта: наши проблеми са непотизмом и корупцијом су ништавни у поређењу са геополитичким. Додик је решио 1 велики геополитички за Српску и ако жели да му се то позлати оснивањем династије, заслужио је.

@Bodljikava Шта је комплексно? То што се 1. пут после 3 деценије отвара могућност споразума са јединим релевантним геополитичким фактором за Србију и на чијој подршци су паразитирали сви српски непријатељи? Комплексно је можда било да се дође до тога, али резултат је одличан.

🚨Emmanuel Todd: One of the things you have to understand, is that one of the MAIN GOALS of American policy, and thus NATO, before this war, was to prevent a RAPPROCHEMENT BETWEEN Germany and Russia. A Germany that now dominated Europe and a Russia that was on the rise again, I mean, economically balanced. And that was the great fear.

@AnjaWeberXIII Да су средњевековне Србија и Византија преживеле вероватно би дошло до "Православне ренесансе" каква је постојала на Криту и Јонским острвима у XVI-XVII веку и чији је највећи представник Ел Греко у сликарству и роман у стиху "Еротокрит".