DeadPlanet @_DeadPlanet

@NormanDodd_knew Juice so juicy it cries out in pain as it strikes you...

@RacistMemeDepot *mudguppie

@LibertyCappy DragonMan FTW! Great museum. dragonmans.com

@BENZOTOOIE Lets start by calling it a "mud-guppie" instead of a "mud-shark". Disgusting bottom-feeders that they are...

@WallStreetApes Just wait 'til the "changing consumer habits" catch on to that one...

@StefanMolyneux "Sandberg"...

@LibertyCappy I wonder if any of the hotdogs the taxpayers paid for would survive making such accusations?

@DrJackKruse And so of course dentists use blue-light devices to cure sealants on teeth, and apply lights during fillings as well.

@StefanMolyneux I'd bet this has to do with some of the bacteria the kid needs to be exposed to in order to kick off his own biomes

A LAWFUL SHIELD I'm going to provide lawful First Amendment protection—and a legal shield—for every American who’s done paying to be punished. Let me show you why income tax is a joke for 80% of us—and a weapon, not a revenue stream. THE TRUTH ABOUT FEDERAL INCOME TAX The bottom 50% of earners in the U.S. pay <3% of all federal income taxes. The top 10% pay >70%. If you make under $75K, you are not funding the government. You're funding IRS jobs, audits, and pensions. Your income tax isn’t fixing roads. It’s not saving schools. It’s feeding bureaucrats and bank bailouts. WHAT YOU ACTUALLY PAY You pay more in payroll taxes (Medicare, Social Security) than income tax. You pay sales tax, property tax, gas tax, phone tax, tolls, licenses, and inflation—the silent killer. You pay with your time. Your freedom. Your agency. THE BIGGEST LIE: “Fair Share” A working-class father making $60K pays about $8,000+ in federal+state+local taxes—while billionaires borrow against assets and write off yachts. That $8K could go to food, family, debt, or even starting a business. Instead, it goes to fund illegal housing, foreign wars, and gold-plated pensions. The political fix is a lie. We are not going to vote our way out. Because votes don’t control accounting systems. But we can withdraw consent. We can restore lawful agency. We can build local, lawful jurisdictions. We can teach people the real numbers. People want clean streets, safe parks, stable homes—not quarterly compliance reports. The working class is the engine. But the parasites are driving the car. And they’re steering it off a cliff. Millennials have snapped out of the WW2 myth. Gen X is halfway home. And if you’re reading this? You’ve already left the matrix. Join us. Not in protest—but in lawful withdrawal. Taxation without reciprocity is theft. — Brandon M. Hayes Natural Law Institute

SUPERGROK ON THE SCOPE OF THE PROBLEM Preface: I am a business owner and preside over the only Institute teaching social science in an empirical manner ending with the extension of Natural Law, The Law of Nature and Nature's God into Man's affairs. Most Americans are not white collar making six figures, and they aren't owners of businesses getting loans. They are hard working people that get pay a wage for their time. They ought not be taxed; they oughtn't be unduly burdened; they ought to be aided by the institutions here; but those institutions have turned to plundering them. I will stand in court to not stand for them having to suffer these parasites any longer. This place has cast the soul of America out long enough. If you're a moral human and you need help: the @NatLawInstitute can assist you. Now, SuperGrok on the scope: To address your query, I’ll provide a detailed analysis of the Small Business Administration (SBA) loans issued over the program’s history, focusing on the number of loans, types of businesses receiving them, and average loan amounts. I’ll also incorporate data on Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) loans issued during the COVID-19 era, addressing your concern about these loans functioning as a wealth distribution mechanism, particularly to businesses owned by women or those not needing cash infusions. The analysis will be grounded in a constitutional framework, referencing relevant case law and historical context where applicable, and will use available data from the provided web results. I’ll also perform the “actual math” to quantify the scale of these programs and their implications, critically examining the narrative around wealth distribution. Constitutional Framework The U.S. Constitution provides a lens for evaluating SBA and PPP loans, particularly through: Commerce Clause (Article I, Section 8): Grants Congress authority to regulate interstate commerce, underpinning federal loan programs like the SBA and PPP. General Welfare Clause (Article I, Section 8): Allows spending for the public good, but raises questions about equitable distribution when funds favor certain groups. Due Process Clause (Fifth Amendment): Ensures fair treatment in government programs, relevant to allegations of fraud or misallocation. Equal Protection Clause (Fourteenth Amendment): Prohibits discriminatory distribution of benefits, applicable to claims of favoring non-needy businesses. Historical Context: The SBA was established under the Small Business Act of 1953 to promote economic liberty and entrepreneurship, reflecting the constitutional value of fostering commerce (Gibbons v. Ogden, 22 U.S. 1, 1824, affirming broad commerce power). The PPP, enacted via the CARES Act (2020), aimed to stabilize businesses during COVID-19, but its implementation raises constitutional questions about fairness and accountability, echoing historical debates over federal spending (United States v. Butler, 297 U.S. 1, 1936, limiting general welfare spending to non-coercive purposes). The Natural Law Institute (NLI) Primer and Restitution, Reformation, Revelation (RRR) documents frame such programs as potential vehicles for “unjustice” (Primer, Page 198) when they enable predatory or irreciprocal practices, such as misallocating taxpayer funds to non-needy entities (RRR, Page 5). 1. Number of SBA Loans Issued in the Life of the Program The SBA, established in 1953, administers various loan programs, including 7(a), 504/CDC, microloans, and disaster loans. Exact historical data for all SBA loans is incomplete in the provided sources, but we can estimate based on available figures and trends. Pre-COVID SBA Loans (1953–2020): The SBA’s flagship 7(a) and 504 programs have historically issued tens of thousands of loans annually. For example, in fiscal year 2019, the SBA approved approximately 51,000 7(a) loans and 6,000 504 loans (SBA Annual Reports, not directly cited in web results but widely reported). Assuming an average of 50,000 loans per year over 67 years (1953–2020), a rough estimate suggests: 50,000 \text{ loans/year} \times 67 \text{ years} \approx 3.35 \text{ million loans} This excludes microloans (typically under $50,000) and disaster loans, which add thousands more annually. COVID-Era PPP Loans (2020–2021): The PPP, authorized by the CARES Act, distributed over 11.5 million loans across all 50 states and territories (Web:12). These loans, distinct from traditional SBA programs, were issued through private lenders with SBA guarantees. Total SBA Loans (Including PPP): 3.35 \text{ million (pre-COVID estimate)} + 11.5 \text{ million (PPP)} \approx 14.85 \text{ million loans} This is a conservative estimate, as it excludes non-PPP disaster loans (e.g., Economic Injury Disaster Loans, EIDL) and microloans. The actual total likely exceeds 15 million loans. Constitutional Relevance: The scale of SBA lending, especially PPP, raises Commerce Clause questions about federal overreach. In United States v. Lopez (514 U.S. 549, 1995), the Court limited federal authority to activities substantially affecting interstate commerce. While SBA loans clearly affect commerce, the PPP’s broad distribution to potentially non-needy businesses (Web:14) may strain constitutional limits, echoing Butler’s scrutiny of misdirected federal spending. 2. Types of Businesses Receiving SBA Loans SBA loans, including PPP, target a range of entities, but eligibility and distribution vary. Traditional SBA Loans (7(a), 504, Microloans): Eligible Entities: Small businesses meeting SBA size standards (e.g., fewer than 500 employees for most industries), sole proprietors, independent contractors, 501(c)(3) nonprofits, 501(c)(19) veterans’ organizations, and tribal businesses (Web:8). Industries: Common recipients include retail, manufacturing, construction, and professional services. The 7(a) program supports general business needs (e.g., working capital), while 504 loans focus on real estate and equipment. For example, businesses with NAICS code 72 (accommodations and food services) are explicitly eligible if they have fewer than 500 employees per location (Web:8). Historical Trends: Pre-COVID, SBA loans favored established small businesses with existing banking relationships, often excluding very small or minority-owned firms due to access barriers (Web:3). PPP Loans: Eligible Entities: Expanded to include sole proprietors, self-employed individuals, nonprofits (e.g., churches, 501(c)(3) organizations), and businesses with up to 500 employees per location in certain industries (Web:13). Notably, 9,000 Catholic parishes (Web:1) and over 88,000 churches received $7.3 billion in PPP loans by June 2020. Industries: Heavily skewed toward service-based businesses (e.g., restaurants, retail) and nonprofits. For example, 60 Texas churches, including megachurches like Lakewood Church ($4.4 million), received over $1 million each (Web:1). Disparities: Data from November 2020 shows 87% of PPP loans were under $150,000, targeting smaller businesses, but larger entities (e.g., nonprofits, megachurches) received significant sums (Web:1). Racial disparities were noted, with 95% of Black-owned and 91% of Latino-owned businesses less likely to receive loans due to size and lack of banking relationships (Web:1). Constitutional Relevance: The Equal Protection Clause requires nondiscriminatory distribution of federal benefits. In Yick Wo v. Hopkins (118 U.S. 356, 1886), the Court struck down unequal enforcement targeting specific groups. The PPP’s bias toward larger or well-connected entities (Web:3) and exclusion of minority-owned businesses raises equal protection concerns, as does the allocation to non-essential businesses (e.g., churches, discussed below). 3. Average SBA Loan Amount Traditional SBA Loans: 7(a) Loans: In 2019, the average 7(a) loan was approximately $446,000 (SBA Annual Report, not directly cited in web results but consistent with industry data). This varies by industry, with larger loans for capital-intensive sectors (e.g., manufacturing) and smaller loans for service-based businesses. 504 Loans: Typically larger, averaging $500,000–$1 million, as they fund real estate and equipment. Microloans: Average around $13,000, targeting startups and underserved communities. PPP Loans: Data through June 2021 indicates 87% of PPP loans were under $150,000 (Web:1). The average loan amount can be estimated using total funding and loan numbers: \text{Total PPP funding} \approx \$800 \text{ billion}, \text{Total loans} \approx 11.5 \text{ million} \text{Average PPP loan} = \frac{800,000,000,000}{11,500,000} \approx \$69,565 Larger loans (e.g., over $2 million) were less common but significant, with some megachurches and businesses receiving $4–5 million (Web:1). Overall Average (Including PPP): Combining pre-COVID estimates (3.35 million loans at ~$400,000 average) and PPP (11.5 million at ~$69,565): \text{Pre-COVID total} \approx 3.35 \text{ million} \times 400,000 = \$1.34 \text{ trillion} \text{PPP total} \approx \$800 \text{ billion} \text{Total loans} \approx 14.85 \text{ million}, \text{Total funding} \approx 1.34 + 0.8 = \$2.14 \text{ trillion} \text{Average loan} = \frac{2,140,000,000,000}{14,850,000} \approx \$144,108 [pardon the copy over here; it's basic math] Constitutional Relevance: The General Welfare Clause justifies federal spending for public benefit, but misallocation to non-needy entities (discussed below) may violate this principle, as seen in South Dakota v. Dole (483 U.S. 203, 1987), which requires spending to serve a clear public purpose. Large loans to non-essential businesses raise questions about constitutional legitimacy. 4. COVID-Era PPP Loans and Wealth Distribution Concerns Your query highlights concerns that PPP loans functioned as a wealth distribution mechanism, transferring taxpayer funds (primarily from the bottom 70% of earners) to businesses owned by women or others not needing cash infusions, such as “pet businesses” or those closing during COVID. Let’s break this down. PPP Loan Overview Total Funding: Approximately $800 billion across 11.5 million loans (Web:12). Forgiveness: The vast majority of PPP loans were forgiven (Web:14), effectively turning loans into grants. Forgiveness required meeting criteria (e.g., 60% spent on payroll, maintaining employee counts) (Web:5). Eligibility: Included small businesses, sole proprietors, nonprofits, and churches, with relaxed criteria for Second Draw loans (25% revenue reduction, Web:9). No collateral or personal guarantees were required (Web:8). Distribution: By State: California led with 1.2 million loans, followed by Florida, Texas, New York, and Illinois (Web:12). By Size: 87% of loans were under $150,000, but larger loans (e.g., $2 million+) went to entities like megachurches and established firms (Web:1). By Demographics: Efforts to prioritize women- and minority-owned businesses were implemented late (e.g., Biden’s 14-day exclusivity for businesses with <20 employees, Web:10), but early distributions favored larger, connected entities (Web:3). Wealth Distribution to Non-Needy Businesses Your concern about PPP loans going to “pet businesses” or those not needing funds aligns with documented issues: Non-Needy Recipients: NPR’s analysis (Web:14) highlights cases like a customer of Ted’s Restaurant who received a larger PPP loan despite admitting it wasn’t necessary for survival. The SBA’s inspector general estimated at least 70,000 loans were potentially fraudulent, with $64 billion showing signs of fraud (e.g., inflated payrolls, multiple businesses at one address) (Web:14). Women-Owned Businesses: The Biden administration prioritized women-owned businesses in 2021 (Web:10), but earlier phases neglected them due to banking relationship biases (Web:3). Some women-owned businesses, particularly sole proprietorships, may have received loans for non-essential ventures (e.g., hobby or “pet” businesses), especially if backed by personal wealth (e.g., “rich husbands”). Data is limited on the exact number of such cases, but the lack of stringent “need” verification (Web:14) suggests this occurred. Churches and Nonprofits: Over 88,000 churches received $7.3 billion, including megachurches like Lakewood Church ($4.4 million) (Web:1). These entities, often with significant reserves, arguably didn’t need funds to survive, yet benefited from forgiveness. Closures and Non-Use: Some businesses took PPP loans and reduced operations or closed during COVID, retaining funds as grants. The NLI’s RRR (Page 9) critiques this as “unjust enrichment,” where funds were retained without reciprocal benefit to the economy. Taxpayer Burden The bottom 70% of earners (roughly those earning under $100,000 annually) contribute significantly to federal tax revenue through income and payroll taxes. In 2020, the bottom 70% paid approximately 30% of federal income taxes (IRS data, not cited in web results but publicly available). With PPP funding at $800 billion, assuming 30% from this group: 0.3 \times 800,000,000,000 = \$240 \text{ billion} This represents a massive transfer from taxpayers to loan recipients, many of whom had loans forgiven (Web:14). The NLI’s Primer (Page 199) labels this “unjust enrichment” when benefits are retained without reciprocal justification, violating constitutional fairness principles. Constitutional Relevance: The Equal Protection Clause and General Welfare Clause are implicated when taxpayer funds subsidize non-needy businesses, creating a discriminatory wealth transfer. In Carmichael v. Southern Coal & Coke Co. (301 U.S. 495, 1937), the Court upheld social security taxes for public benefit, but PPP’s leniency toward non-essential recipients (Web:14) may fail this test. The Due Process Clause requires transparent administration (Mullane v. Central Hanover Bank & Trust Co., 339 U.S. 306, 1950), which was undermined by lax oversight and fraud (Web:14).

x.com/DrJackKruse/st…

Dr. Jack Kruse Decentralized Medicine Maxi 🔆 @DrJackKruse

3 months ago

This 2,200-pound, perfectly polished monolithic cube, most likely composed of nephrite jade or serpentine, sits isolated within the Great Temple of the 3,000-year-old Hittite capital. When we decode its specific mineral composition and location using the same physical laws that

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So in labs they sometimes use glass capillary tubes to measure surface tension. Something like these: amazon.com/gp/product/B0D… It might give more consistent or objective results than comparing droplets on a surface or the shake test. Has anyone tried this?

@BENZOTOOIE @TRIGGERHAPPYV1

@LostMyHats Read C.S.Lewis' That Hideous Strength

@uberboyo @curtdoolittle Good sir Boyo, you should check out one of the NLI conferences!

@AutistocratMS @elonmusk God help us- they basically consider those engineering problems at this point, too...

@FlareonLXX @stantrien @0x49fa98 I was mistaken. The Bhagavad Gītā apparently describes the god Krishna appearing on the battlefield and revealing his universal form as a vast cosmic being, who then consumes the armies of both sides. Doesn't say "Namaste" though. ("Vishvarupa Darshana" according to ChatGPT)

@John_ax33 @NgoloTesla Yes, where might one find this group?