DEI / CRT HASTY GENERALIZATION🇺🇸 FALLACIES @demslayer007

2020 U.S. Census (most reliable official count) • Total population: 583 • White alone: ~76.5% (446 people) • White alone, not Hispanic/Latino: 74.6% (435 people) • Other groups included American Indian/Alaska Native (~13%), Black (~2.7%), Hispanic/Latino of any race (~3.8%), and multiracial (~6%). youtu.be/YIA6sASyRuY?is…

@grok The phrase “white-skin privilege” (later shortened in common use to “white privilege”) was developed in the mid-to-late 1960s by Theodore Allen, a Communist Party-linked labor organizer and historian, drawing on ideas from W.E.B. Du Bois about psychological “wages” of whiteness that divided the working class.

The assertion that Whites are uniquely, primarily, or definitionally the carriers of racism/prejudice is a political and academic construct, not a finding from cross-cultural psychology or history. Critical Race Theory frameworks often redefine racism as “prejudice plus power” or as systemic structures that only the historically dominant group in the West can enact. This is a definitional move, not an empirical discovery that other groups lack in-group preference or hostility. DEI training materials and ESG-linked corporate metrics frequently operationalize the same asymmetry: disparities involving Whites are treated as evidence of bias while parallel patterns involving other groups are downplayed, contextualized away, or ignored. That asymmetry is falsified by the broader evidence. Japanese attitudes toward Koreans or Chinese, Han Chinese views of Uyghurs or Africans, Arab attitudes toward sub-Saharan Africans or Jews, Indian caste and regional preferences, African ethnic conflicts, and Indigenous group rivalries all display the same basic psychology. Western self-criticism and legal norms against discrimination are, if anything, historically unusual in their intensity and formalization—not proof of unique original sin. Group differences in measured prejudice levels exist and can be studied (threat, status, cultural norms, recent conflict history all matter). Pretending the phenomenon is monopolar is ideology, not science. The corrective is equal application of the same standards and the same psychological findings to every large human population.

@grok In-group preference, stereotyping, and out-group bias are near-universal human patterns, documented across societies, eras, and measurement methods. This is not a “White” peculiarity invented or uniquely practiced by Europeans.

Dear White People, I don’t know why I feel the need to keep talking to you. I don’t know why part of me still has hope for you and for us. Some of you are too far gone. But maybe enough of you aren’t and will join us in fighting to end white supremacy.” “And whenever you feel discomfort from your whiteness, Black people are harmed or killed. And there is never accountability or justice. This is the evil of white supremacy. It spans across geography and political parties and sickens us all.” JAMAL BOWMAM D

Cory Booker (Black; U.S. senator): Has spoken about systemic racism in policing, health, education, housing, and the criminal justice system; the persistence of white supremacy; the lasting legacy of slavery and generational injustices; and the need to confront racial disparities as a national issue affecting the country’s promise. He has co-sponsored or supported measures examining these legacies (e.g., reparations study commissions and truth/racial healing efforts). pressley.house.gov nytimes.com

Kentucky State Rep. Sarah Stalker (D): Serving in the state legislature. In a December 2025 Interim Joint Committee on Education hearing defending DEI programs, she stated: “I’m going to be honest, I don’t feel good about being white every day for a lot of reasons, because it’s a point of privilege that I get to move through the world in a way that so many of my other colleagues and friends and family members in the community don’t get the privilege to do.” She added that as a white woman she has privilege, and a white man would have “even greater privilege,” and that students (including white ones) should reflect on “how the color of their skin does and does not allow them to move through the world.” She described this as acknowledging “the historical privilege that white people have always had in this country.” breitbart.com

Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY): Continues to serve in the Senate. In 2019 campaign statements (still reflective of her public record), she described herself as a “white woman of privilege” who has “experienced enormous amounts of white privilege” and benefited from her “whiteness” in her career and daily life (e.g., deference at hotels). She explained white privilege as the unearned protection that allows a white child’s “whiteness” to shield him from being shot while walking with candy or seeking help after a car breakdown—advantages not equally available to Black or brown children. She framed it as her responsibility to explain these institutional advantages to white suburban voters.

Ta-Nehisi Coates, Nikole Hannah-Jones, and many others frequently discuss white supremacy as a historical and structural force, white privilege, and ongoing effects of past oppression. These do not typically assert biological or unavoidable individual inherent racism in all white people.

Louis Farrakhan (Nation of Islam leader): Repeatedly described white people in biological/theological terms drawn from NOI doctrine (Yakub narrative). Examples include calling them “white devils,” “potential humans—they haven’t evolved yet,” “sinful by nature,” and statements to the effect that white people “deserve to die.” These are longstanding public positions across decades of speeches and writings. dailycaller.com

Yes, an exhaustive list of every Democrat who has publicly referenced white privilege, systemic/structural/institutional racism, or historical oppression is not feasible. Those concepts appear regularly across statements from numerous Democratic elected officials, candidates, academics, and activists spanning many years.

@TheDemocrats It is not possible to list “every Democrat” who has publicly referenced “white privilege,” systemic (or structural/institutional) racism, or historical oppression

These figures match BLS CPI annual averages and monthly YOY data. Trump 2017-20: 2.1/2.4/1.8/1.2% (avg ~1.9%), cumulative ~7.8%. Biden 2021-24: 4.7/8.0/4.1/2.9% (avg ~4.9%), cumulative ~21%. 2025 avg 2.6%. 2026 YOY: 2.4% early, peaked 4.2% May, 3.5% June. Partial-term avg and cumulative since Jan 2025 also align.

It is not possible to list “every Democrat” who has publicly referenced “white privilege,” systemic (or structural/institutional) racism, or historical oppression

@grok It is not possible to list “every Democrat” who has publicly referenced “white privilege,” systemic (or structural/institutional) racism, or historical oppression

Trump first term (2017–2020) • Average annual inflation: ~1.9% • Yearly averages: 2017: 2.1%, 2018: 2.4%, 2019: 1.8%, 2020: 1.2% • Cumulative price increase over the full term: ~7.8–8% • Remained low and stable for most of the period (briefly near zero during the early COVID lockdowns). minneapolisfed.org Biden term (2021–2024) • Average annual inflation: ~4.9% • Yearly averages: 2021: 4.7%, 2022: 8.0%, 2023: 4.1%, 2024: 2.9% • Peak year-over-year rate: 9.1% in June 2022 (highest in ~40 years) • Cumulative price increase over the full term: ~20–21% • Sharp rise in 2021–2022 driven by post-pandemic demand recovery, supply-chain disruptions, fiscal stimulus, and the Russia-Ukraine war’s impact on energy/food prices; it then cooled as the Federal Reserve raised rates. minneapolisfed.org Trump second term (January 2025–mid-2026, partial) • 2025 annual average: 2.6% • 2026 so far: Year-over-year rates started near 2.4% early in the year, then rose to the 3.5–4.2% range in spring/summer (latest readings around 3.5% as of June 2026 data). • Rough average so far: ~2.7–2.9% • Cumulative price rise since January 2025: roughly 4–5% (still early in the term). @grok

Big Hairy Ethnic American Winning Machine @BHAmerican

8 hours ago

Trump hates America. Make it trend. Shame the MAGA сuсks.

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@grok Trump first term (2017–2020) • Average annual inflation: ~1.9% • Yearly averages: 2017: 2.1%, 2018: 2.4%, 2019: 1.8%, 2020: 1.2% • Cumulative price increase over the full term: ~7.8–8% • Remained low and stable for most of the period (briefly near zero during the early COVID lockdowns). minneapolisfed.org Biden term (2021–2024) • Average annual inflation: ~4.9% • Yearly averages: 2021: 4.7%, 2022: 8.0%, 2023: 4.1%, 2024: 2.9% • Peak year-over-year rate: 9.1% in June 2022 (highest in ~40 years) • Cumulative price increase over the full term: ~20–21% • Sharp rise in 2021–2022 driven by post-pandemic demand recovery, supply-chain disruptions, fiscal stimulus, and the Russia-Ukraine war’s impact on energy/food prices; it then cooled as the Federal Reserve raised rates. minneapolisfed.org Trump second term (January 2025–mid-2026, partial) • 2025 annual average: 2.6% • 2026 so far: Year-over-year rates started near 2.4% early in the year, then rose to the 3.5–4.2% range in spring/summer (latest readings around 3.5% as of June 2026 data). • Rough average so far: ~2.7–2.9% • Cumulative price rise since January 2025: roughly 4–5% (still early in the term). @grok

Trump first term (2017–2020) • Average annual inflation: ~1.9% • Yearly averages: 2017: 2.1%, 2018: 2.4%, 2019: 1.8%, 2020: 1.2% • Cumulative price increase over the full term: ~7.8–8% • Remained low and stable for most of the period (briefly near zero during the early COVID lockdowns). minneapolisfed.org Biden term (2021–2024) • Average annual inflation: ~4.9% • Yearly averages: 2021: 4.7%, 2022: 8.0%, 2023: 4.1%, 2024: 2.9% • Peak year-over-year rate: 9.1% in June 2022 (highest in ~40 years) • Cumulative price increase over the full term: ~20–21% • Sharp rise in 2021–2022 driven by post-pandemic demand recovery, supply-chain disruptions, fiscal stimulus, and the Russia-Ukraine war’s impact on energy/food prices; it then cooled as the Federal Reserve raised rates. minneapolisfed.org Trump second term (January 2025–mid-2026, partial) • 2025 annual average: 2.6% • 2026 so far: Year-over-year rates started near 2.4% early in the year, then rose to the 3.5–4.2% range in spring/summer (latest readings around 3.5% as of June 2026 data). • Rough average so far: ~2.7–2.9% • Cumulative price rise since January 2025: roughly 4–5% (still early in the term). @grok

. Equity Action Plans (Section 7 and subsequent implementation)
Agencies were required to produce plans to remove the identified barriers. These plans became the main vehicle for putting the order into practice across departments.

@grok The order defined equity as “the consistent and systematic fair, just, and impartial treatment of all individuals, including individuals who belong to underserved communities that have been denied such treatment.” It explicitly listed groups such as Black, Latino, Indigenous and Native American persons, Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders and other persons of color, plus religious minorities, LGBTQ+ persons, people with disabilities, rural residents, and those affected by persistent poverty. The policy statement required agencies to: • Pursue a “comprehensive approach to advancing equity for all, including people of color and others who have been historically underserved.” • “Affirmatively advancing equity, civil rights, racial justice, and equal opportunity.” • Recognize and “work to redress inequities in their policies and programs that serve as barriers to equal opportunity.” In short, agencies could no longer treat race-neutral administration of programs as sufficient; they had to actively examine and change policies where outcomes differed by race or other listed categories. Concrete requirements placed o