WaReMoN @waremon84

@CaughtCam__ what happened to delivery fee?

@meinmokhtar kawan tak sempat tgk cerita yang dia nak tgk, sbb tu la marathon

@SaltyGoat17 I would definitely be angry as a citizen if non-citizen gets to claim welfare program

@TheJoeySwoll me who can't bench press my own bodyweight for 10 reps *slowly changing into a woman*

A man who spent thirty years reviewing sports cars has taught this country more about its own food than every minister, union and campaign of the last fifty years combined. Here is what five series of Clarkson's Farm put in front of the public, and not one line of it is opinion. - A thousand acres, worked flat out for a year, made a profit of £144. Under forty pence a day. - By year six the same farm was losing money, weather and prices turning a projected £37,000 into a five grand loss. - A crop can drown in the field after months of work and take everything with it, and nobody is coming to help. - The farmer is the only man in the food chain who sells at a price he does not set. The supermarket sets it. He takes it or he takes nothing. - The council can shut his restaurant, refuse his car park and stop him selling his own food off his own land. - The subsidy he was told to lean on can be closed overnight, the big estates first through the door, the small farms locked out. - One outbreak of bovine TB can lock a farm down for months, banned from buying or selling a single cow, through no fault of its own. - Rear pigs with real care and the butcher's maths can still make them a loss, so the animals go and the loss stays. - The margins are so thin that a rich man buys farmland not to earn from it but to shelter money that earns elsewhere. The shelter exists precisely because the farming does not. Now hold that against the story you were sold. Greedy farmers. Subsidised for doing nothing. Wrecking a countryside they are somehow also the custodians of. There is no profit. That was the reveal. A show that set out to be funny accidentally filmed the slow strangling of the people who feed us, and the country watched it happen and finally understood what its cheap food actually costs. Clarkson has now admitted the plainest part out loud: it is the television money keeping Diddly Squat alive, and most farms do not have a television show. Britain grows about sixty per cent of its own food and the average farmer is past sixty. That is why both numbers are heading the wrong way. It took a Lamborghini tractor and a man doing it for a laugh. Fifty years of earnest campaigning could not manage it.

@masterofnone @wassielawyer @grok Wow, he saw the entire sentence, but decided to point out only that one small part

@liveforkaise I didn't know there's an Asian club. Now where should I put my Asian ass here 😂

@AI_EmeraldApple unfortunately this is only available in the US 😔

@lorettabagg @danyay the guy keeps dismissing the "network state" part and only mentioned "investment" part

@ohbulanofficial KA walk so we can run, thanks KA

@kangminlee Wow, I like her. She definitely know how to troll the trolls 😂

@meinmokhtar billionaire tu 😂

@GiaMMacool I don't like barley

@MarkRuffalo @elonmusk Mark, ever the performer even in real life

Próspera, situated on the island of Roatán in Honduras, was conceived as a libertarian utopia—a semi-autonomous "startup society" operating with its own courts, police, and tax codes. Backed by Silicon Valley investors, it was designed to be a free-market haven. However, the project has instead devolved into a bitter battle over sovereignty, neo-colonialism, and corporate overreach. At the center of the ideological movement driving projects like Próspera is Balaji Srinivasan, the former CTO of Coinbase and author of *The Network State*. Srinivasan champions Próspera as a physical manifestation of his vision: an "ultimate exit" for tech elites seeking to opt out of legacy governments. Praising the charter city as a frontier for "crypto, bio, [and] robo" innovation, he views it as a vital testing ground for privately governed city-states that prioritize technological advancement and light regulation over democratic oversight. Yet, the reality on the ground starkly contrasts with this utopian rhetoric. Próspera's negative effects have been acutely felt by Crawfish Rock, a neighboring Afro-Caribbean fishing village. Residents were never consulted about the massive corporate jurisdiction erected next door, and the project's unchecked expansion has reportedly disrupted the local water supply. Critics condemn the initiative as a quasi-feudal, crypto-colonialist endeavor that prioritizes the desires of wealthy foreigners over the rights of native Hondurans. The controversy reached a breaking point nationally. The legal framework that enabled Próspera was championed by former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández, who was later convicted in the U.S. for drug trafficking. In 2022, to reclaim national sovereignty, the democratically elected government unanimously repealed the law authorizing these zones. Refusing to accept the host nation's democratic will, Próspera retaliated by suing Honduras in a World Bank tribunal for a staggering $10.7 billion—roughly a third of the country's entire GDP. Ultimately, while Srinivasan views Próspera as a pioneering model for future governance, its unfolding legacy highlights the dangers of corporate city-states: a predatory system where foreign interests disrupt local communities and attempt to hold developing nations financially hostage.

Lately, I’m worried about the state of Malaysia’s sovereignty. Dengan isu PATI buat sesuka hati dalam negara, penyalahgunaan status UNHCR oleh segelintir pelarian, kontroversi pemain naturalisasi, Network School, kuil haram, rasuah dan korupsi, sampai isu Israelis guna dual passport masuk Malaysia. Yang buat I lagi risau, politicians dan pihak berkuasa pun nampak macam tak cukup solid dalam menangani isu-isu ni. Rasa macam, do we even have the power and resolution to change all of this? Risau fikir masa depan dan keselamatan Malaysia.

Network School’s problem is not that Malaysia is hostile to innovation. Malaysia already has a much stronger example of privately built innovation, education, housing and commerce working together. It is called Bandar Sunway. The difference is that Sunway was built to become part of Malaysia. Network School appears to be built to use Malaysia as a backdrop, while selling access to a transnational social circle whose loyalty is to the network rather than the place hosting it. Bandar Sunway created a durable urban ecosystem: universities, hospitals, offices, housing, retail, hospitality, transport links and thousands of jobs. Even Malaysians who never study at Sunway University, enter its theme park or use its medical facilities still benefit from the surrounding employment, training, supply chains, property demand and institutional capacity it creates. Its success enlarges Malaysia’s own capabilities instead of merely importing consumers with money. Bandar Sunway also shows that a private development can pursue profit without becoming socially detached from its host country. Its commercial success depends on attracting students, patients, workers, residents and businesses into institutions that Malaysians can actually use. The project gains value as the surrounding society becomes stronger. That is very different from a model where exclusivity itself is the product and where local participation is secondary to access granted by a foreign network. That is what serious place-making looks like. The developer does not merely attract affluent outsiders and call their proximity a community. It builds institutions that remain useful when the original founders leave. Its legitimacy comes from value embedded in the country, not from the prestige, wealth or social connections of people temporarily occupying rooms. The host society is not scenery; it is the main stakeholder whose long-term interests justify the project. Network School, by contrast, seems to treat networking itself as the product. Its central promise is access to other selected members, while Malaysia supplies the land, infrastructure, labour, legal jurisdiction and low operating costs. If the network relocates, most of the supposed intellectual value leaves with it. Malaysia is left with rooms, publicity and an argument about special treatment. That is closer to an exclusive membership club than a genuine development institution. Chinese AI companies offer another useful comparison. Their strongest projects do not define innovation as placing ambitious people in an expensive enclave and hoping that useful ideas emerge. They build models, platforms and infrastructure that are then pushed into manufacturing, logistics, healthcare, robotics, vehicles, energy systems, education and enterprise operations. Innovation is expected to enter production, lower costs and increase national capability, not remain a lifestyle experience for a self-selected elite. The important point is that ordinary people can benefit without ever opening the AI product themselves. A worker may benefit because a factory becomes more productive. A patient may benefit because medical imaging improves. A consumer may benefit because logistics become cheaper. A local developer may benefit because powerful open-weight models can be adapted without paying a foreign company for every use. The technology becomes part of the economy rather than a gated social identity. DeepSeek, Qwen and other Chinese systems are not valuable only because they answer prompts. They strengthen domestic research, reduce dependence on foreign platforms, lower costs for local firms and create tools that can diffuse across the entire economy. Their public value is not limited to direct users. Even where companies remain commercial and competitive, the underlying expectation is that technological capacity should circulate through society and industry. That is the standard Network School should be judged against. Does it train Malaysians, build institutions, create transferable technology, employ local talent, solve Malaysian problems or leave behind infrastructure that still matters after its members depart? If the answer is mostly no, then Malaysia is not rejecting innovation. It is being asked to subsidise exclusivity, branding and a mobile foreign network. Malaysia should welcome builders, but builders must leave behind more than expensive rooms and flattering stories about themselves. Otherwise, the country provides the platform while outsiders capture the prestige, relationships and upside for themselves, then move on.

Stella Chen @stellachenyl

2 weeks ago

Why does it have to be Network School and why can't Network School comply with Malaysian laws? Why should any digital nomad pay $1500 to $3000 per month for a room when $1500 a month in Kuala Lumpur provides the same networking experience, rent for an entire apartment (not a

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Bagus post ni. Patut kena lebih diviralkan. Beberapa pihak dah mula bergendang konon Malaysia akan rugi besar kalau Balaji & NS ni blah dari sini. Tapi kalau kita tengok respons Balaji, itu merupakan satu ugutan kepada negara kita. Danial ni telah cerakinkan dengan lebih baik.

Danial @masterofnone

2 weeks ago

The Network School (@ns) drama is all over the Internet What's really happening? I'm Malaysian & Irish ~ born and raised in London. Recently moved back to 🇲🇾 for good. My plan? To help build Malaysia's AI Builders Hub (@KrackedDevs) ~ upskilling our people, pulling Malaysian

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Jabatan agama memudahkan urusan perkahwinan selaras dengan saranan Rasulullah ﷺ, katanya: خَيْرُ النِّكَاحِ أَيْسَرُهُ Maksudnya: Sebaik-baik pernikahan adalah yang dipermudahkan maharnya. Riwayat Ibn Hibban (4072) Kalau kamu fikir nak duit je, memang akan rasa murah.

@meinmokhtar aku makan pakai sudu garpu, cemana ni